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The Data-Center Deal, in Plain English

Make Data Centers Pay

The rules only make them pay 25% of the cost. The other 75% can land on us. And they're fast-tracking the most expensive power there is, bypassing competitive bidding. Ten gas plants for one data center, with more campuses already on the way.

I'm Chris Justin. I'm an engineer, not a politician. I consulted for the Public Service Commission, I understand the 800-page filings, and I do the math myself. Here's what they're doing with our money, and the one vote that fixes it.

Our bills were climbing before a single data center turned on.

Electricity prices in Louisiana are up about 50% since 2020, and they're on track to climb another 40% by 2030. That's before the first big data center even switched on. The bill was already broken. Data centers are throwing gasoline on a fire that's already burning.

Should trillion-dollar companies pay for the power plants built specifically to serve them? I say yes. Right now the rules only require them to cover 25%.

A typical Louisiana home's monthly electric bill

Up about 50% since 2020, with another 40% on the way by 2030.

A typical Louisiana home, about 1,200 kWh a month, in today's dollars. Rate basis: the Public Service Commission's own published comparison (about 9¢ to 14¢ per kWh, 2020 to 2026); the 2030 figure is the +40% Louisiana's big industrial users filed at the Commission.

So the only question is whether we let it get worse. And a whole wave of new demand is about to land.

A whole wave of data centers is coming to Louisiana.

Four giant data-center campuses are already announced across the state, Meta in Richland Parish, Amazon in Caddo and Bossier, Hut 8 in West Feliciana, and Applied Digital in Rapides, served by three different utilities. And the state's own economic-development office says there are eight to twelve more in discussion, several still under wraps. This is about the rules that govern the whole wave, and right now those rules are broken. The Meta deal is just the biggest example: ten new gas plants, about 7,400 megawatts, like adding more than 30% to all the power-generating capacity Louisiana has today, for one customer.

  • 1Amazon — Caddo & Bossier · $12B
  • 2Meta — Richland Parish · ten new gas plants
  • 3Applied Digital — Rapides Parish · $3.6B
  • 4Hut 8 — West Feliciana · $10B
  • ?8–12 more in discussion — locations not public
Confirmed campuses shown at the parish level; exact sites for some aren't public. The "in discussion" count is from the state's economic-development office, on the record — those locations aren't disclosed, so they're listed in the key, not plotted.

Every one of these runs on the same set of rules. So look at the rules.

The rules only make them pay 25%.

Last December, the Commission passed the Lightning Amendment. It lets any data center fast-track its deal by covering as little as half the cost, for 15 years. But these gas plants run at least 30 years. Half the cost, for half the life, works out to 25% from the data center, and up to 75% left on us.

And that's not just the Meta deal. It's the rule that governs the whole wave. Meta says it'll pay more than the rule requires, voluntarily. But a pledge isn't a rule, and it isn't for the life of the plants either. Meta's energy service agreement runs 20 years. The plants run 30 and more. Whatever's left when the agreement ends lands on us. And on the original deal, the company holding the data center can walk as early as 2033. I want full cost, for the full life of the plants, in writing, in the rule, where it's enforceable.

What the rule requires. The data center pays 25 percent of the new gas plants. We, the ratepayers, can be left with up to 75 percent. The split comes from a deal covering 50 percent of the cost for 15 of the plants' 30 years. This is a binding floor.

What the rule requires a binding floor

75% Us
25% Data center

50% of cost × 15 of 30 years = 25% them up to 75% us

What Meta promised. A voluntary pledge to pay its full cost of service. It is not a rule: not final until the Commission's December 2026 vote, and the company can exit as early as 2033.

What Meta promised a voluntary pledge, not a rule

A pledge to pay more — on paper, not in the rule
  • Voluntary
  • Not final until Dec 2026
  • Can exit by 2033

A solid floor is a rule we can hold them to. A dashed promise is a press release. I want the floor moved, in writing.

And the 75% the rule allows isn't even the whole bill. There are at least three more ways this lands on us.

The plants are just the start. Here's what else lands on us.

  1. Transmission to nowhere

    A new 500-kilovolt power line for the original Meta deal, roughly $546 million, was committed to our bill, not Meta's. It isn't built yet, it's coming, on our tab, and it's exactly the kind of cost the next commissioner can stop putting on us. And the expanded deal has its own fine print: the new 150-mile line to St. Landry Parish is covered by Meta only “during the term” of a 20-year agreement, in Entergy's own words. The wires last decades longer. Whatever's left when the agreement ends lands on us, unless the Commission puts full-life coverage in writing.

  2. Higher gas prices for everyone

    Three-quarters of Louisiana's power comes from natural gas, and the fuel charge on our bills passes that price straight through, no vote, no hearing. These plants lock us into that one fuel for 30 years and more. And the price is heading up: LNG exports are pulling Louisiana gas onto the world market, where Europe pays several times what we do, and piling gigawatts of new data-center demand on top pushes it higher still. As the gas price climbs, the fuel charge on our bills climbs with it, for everyone.

  3. A system that rewards building fast and expensive

    These companies want power fast, and they'll pay almost anything to get it, because they don't pay the majority of the bill. Louisiana's own development office says what they want is speed. And with the extremely high demand and backlog of new gas turbines, speed comes at a heavy price, and it lands on us, not them.

What about Governor Landry's executive order?

The governor says he's protecting us. He can't, not from this.

On June 25, Governor Landry signed an executive order he called ratepayer protection. It tells his own economic-development office, the agency whose job is landing these deals, to write some criteria in 90 days, and asks the companies to promise, on paper, that they'll behave. No enforcement. No clawback. And a governor's order can't touch the Public Service Commission rule that decides who pays. The cost split that leaves up to 75% on us isn't set at the governor's desk. It's set at the Commission.

Meanwhile, one of these projects alone is getting an estimated $3.3 billion in tax breaks, by a watchdog's analysis, decades of no sales tax and most of its property taxes waived. They get the tax break. We get the bill. We pay twice.

The protection we were promised lives at the Commission, which votes on the expanded Meta deal, and on every data-center deal that comes after it. The biggest of those votes is the $13 billion December vote covered below, and the seat that helps decide what happens after it is on your November ballot.

The Governor's desk

Says the right words. No teeth.

  • Signs an executive order, June 25, 2026
  • Tells his own economic-development office to write criteria in 90 days
  • Companies submit a self-attestation — a promise on paper
  • Can't bind the independent Commission's cost rule

Right branch for a press release. Wrong branch for the fix.

The Commission

Sets the rule that decides who pays.

  • Sets the cost rule that leaves up to 75% on us
  • Holds the vote on the expanded Meta deal — and every data-center deal after it
  • Two of its five seats change hands in January
  • One of those seats is on your November ballot

Dec 2026 — after the election

A governor's order binds his own economic-development office; the cost-allocation rule and the December vote are the independent Public Service Commission's, and that seat is on the ballot this November.

So if the power's at the Commission, why does the Commission keep saying yes?

So why does the Commission keep saying yes?

Two reasons. First, the utilities put out 800-page filings written dense on purpose, armies of lawyers and engineers who'll bore you to death so they get what they want. Second, the commissioners who are supposed to catch it take campaign donations from the utilities they regulate. Advocates have been fighting this for years; most ratepayers just don't know it's happening. And most commissioners don't understand the regulatory policy well enough to push back, so they rely on the utilities to explain it. The utilities write the rules, submit the answers, and grade their own papers. That's how anybody signs off on a rule that leaves 75% on us.

"When you hire politicians, they have to rely on the utilities. When you hire an engineer, I can do the math myself."

There are three kinds of people who sit in that seat. The unqualified look at what the utilities propose and just say yes or no. The decent ones turn to someone else to parse it, then say yes or no. The best ones write the rules themselves. That's the whole job. I'm the only licensed professional engineer in this race. I consulted for this Commission. I understand these filings. When I find a charge that doesn't make sense, like the $12.8 million a year they bill us for energy nobody even used, I can pull it out and kill it. You don't talk your way into a better grid.

$12.8M / year · energy nobody used · Docket R-31106

Here's the good news: this is solvable. People across the country are wrestling with the same fight, and I've pulled out the best ideas.

Making them pay isn't radical. Other states already do it.

This is the part the utilities don't advertise: making data centers pay their own way is now the mainstream. Twenty-three states have already put rules in place. Federal regulators told state commissions this year to stop the cost-shift. Here in Louisiana, Amazon volunteered to pay for all of it. Seven of the biggest tech companies in the world signed a pledge at the White House to cover their own power. Even Entergy's own Arkansas company already signed a deal with Google to do exactly this. Louisiana isn't being asked to do something radical. Louisiana's rule is the weak outlier. Here's what I'd do:

  • 23 states
  • Federal regulators
  • Entergy's own Arkansas company
  • Amazon
  • 7 White House signers
  1. Make the rules binding, and make them pay 100%

    The Commission wrote good guidelines, made them optional, and dragged their feet on enforcing them. I'll give them teeth, so every cost a data center creates lands on its bill, not ours.

    The Commission just took comments on whether to give these rules teeth
  2. Bring competition back

    Big industrial users offered to build their own grid-connected power, with a study to make sure it didn't raise anyone else's bill. The Commission closed that docket instead. Reopen it, and let private industry compete to build new power instead of putting it on our tab.

    Google funds its own power this way in Nevada, Minnesota, and Missouri
  3. Match the deal to the plant, and make them post collateral

    A 15-year contract on a 30-year plant leaves us holding the back half. Make them put up security so we never inherit a stranded gas plant.

    Already required in Ohio, Virginia, and Indiana
  4. Pay for flexibility, not new plants

    Data centers can dial back during peak demand; one major utility found it could add huge new load with zero new plants. Buy that flexibility instead of building gas on our tab.

    Even Entergy's Arkansas company does this

And "make them pay" is only half the fix. The other half is making sure what gets built is the cheapest option in the first place.

There are cheaper ways to power this. Nobody priced them.

Entergy earns a guaranteed 9.7 percent on everything it builds. So Entergy's answer to every problem is the same: build more, as big and as expensive as possible. That is how they maximize profit. It is not what produces the cheapest power for you. When this deal came up, nobody had to compare the $12.9 billion plan against the alternatives, because the Commission waived competitive bidding. Here is what a real comparison would have put on the table. These options stack, they are not either-or, and most of them share one thing: they earn Entergy little or nothing, which is exactly why Entergy didn't propose them.

Ten options, cheapest first. Skim the headlines; the details are there when you want them.

  1. Use the plants we already paid for

    Louisiana's power plants run at about 46 percent of their capacity on average. A data center that backs off during the few stressed hours a year could run largely on capacity that sits idle today, spreading costs we already pay across more usage. Texas has connected more than 5 gigawatts of flexible loads this way. How much of our headroom could serve this project? That's the study nobody ran.

    U.S. Energy Information Administration data
  2. Get more power out of the lines we already have

    Sensors and software that measure what a power line can really carry, instead of assuming the worst case, often unlock 10 to 40 percent more capacity from existing wires. One landmark study modeled it: a $90 million package of upgrades, an estimated $175 million per year in savings, paying for itself in about six months.

    Brattle Group study for the WATT Coalition
  3. Double the wires without building new towers

    Restringing existing towers with modern advanced conductors roughly doubles what a line can carry, at less than half the cost per mile of building new lines, because the towers, the land, and the permits already exist. It takes about two years instead of five to ten. No new land, no new towers.

    Peer-reviewed 2024 study, UC Berkeley and GridLab
  4. Shop the regional market for the cheapest power

    Louisiana belongs to a 15-state power market, and joining it saved our customers $120 million in the first year alone. Stronger ties into that market let us buy the cheapest surplus power available anywhere in it, and improve reliability for the whole state. The test for any new wire is simple: does it benefit all of us, or just this one deal?

    Documented first-year MISO membership savings
  5. Make the data center fund home energy upgrades

    New Jersey passed a law this month letting data centers pay for heat pumps, rooftop solar, and home batteries in ordinary homes, in exchange for a faster grid connection. The upgrades free up capacity at a cost comparable to a new gas plant, and published modeling puts them at around $700 a year off the bills of homes that get them. Each installation takes days; New Jersey expects its first wave around 2028, which is why the program has to start now.

    New Jersey Data Center Fair Share Act, signed July 2026
  6. Batteries where the grid needs them most

    Grid-scale batteries deliver power during the exact hours the grid is stressed, can earn nearly full credit toward reliability depending on how long they discharge, and go in the ground in one to two years. The old-style gas "peaker" plants they replace are among the most expensive power there is.

    Regional grid operator reliability accreditation
  7. Cheaper rates when the grid has room

    Most of the day, the grid has spare capacity going unused. Rates that reward using power in those hours move water heaters, EV charging, and even data-center computing into the cheap hours, and shrink the peak we all pay to build for. Duke University modeling found that trimming data-center peak demand by just 1 to 2 percent could cut retail rates 0.5 to 2.8 percent for everyone. The Commission can order this on its own authority. No legislation, no federal regulator, no utility consent required.

    Pure rate design, squarely the Commission's job
  8. Turn thousands of homes into a power plant

    Smart thermostats, water heaters, and home batteries, coordinated together, act like a power plant that shows up at peak hours. In Brattle's modeled comparison, delivering reliability this way costs about 40 percent of a new gas peaker's net cost. Participating homes get paid, and the avoided cost benefits everyone.

    Brattle Group, "Real Reliability," 2023
  9. More power from the nuclear plants we already have

    Upgrading the turbines at an existing nuclear plant adds carbon-free, always-on power at substantially lower cost than building anything new. Entergy has already asked to upgrade Waterford 3 during its next refueling, and sees up to 275 megawatts available across its fleet. Good. Price the rest of the list the same way.

    Entergy's own pending upgrade application
  10. Then, supplemental new generation

    Whatever need is left after the cheap options are exhausted gets met with new plants, sized to the real remaining need instead of the maximum build a guaranteed return can justify. That's not anti-anything. It's how you'd buy anything else: cheapest first.

    The order every competitive procurement follows

Notice the pattern. The cheapest options on this list, flexibility, efficiency, smarter rates, fuller use of what we've already built, earn Entergy nothing at all. The options Entergy does pursue are the ones that add to the asset base it earns a return on. What's cheap for us is almost exactly upside-down from what's profitable for them. That is not a scandal about any one person. It is the incentive structure working as designed, and it is why the competitive bidding the Commission waived was the one referee that mattered. Price the options on the record. Then build what wins.

What's the stack worth to you? Some of it lowers your bill directly. Most of it stops the next increase before it reaches you: Louisiana's grid is 76 percent gas, and every unnecessary new gas plant deepens our exposure to a fuel whose export capacity is set to nearly double. A federal study modeled that exposure at up to $120 a year per household's energy costs, passed straight to your bill with no vote. It's the same math as my full savings roadmap: count the cuts and the increases that never hit you.

The biggest of these votes is already on the calendar. Here's what should happen to it.

Let the commissioners you just elected take the $13 billion vote.

Here's what's actually on the table in December. Meta just announced its Louisiana investment will top $50 billion. It is all in on Louisiana, and seven of the ten plants meant to power it still are not approved. Entergy has asked the Commission to approve seven more massive gas plants, on top of the three already approved, for the expanded Meta deal. The filing runs about 1,200 pages. The price tag is $12.9 billion, and under the guaranteed-return system we pay it back, with interest, for 30 years. The vote is scheduled for December 16, 2026, 43 days after the election, before the commissioners you elect in November are even seated.

$12.9BSeven more gas plants, on our books for 30+ years
43 daysBetween the election and the scheduled vote
2 of 5Commission seats that change hands in January

"A $13 billion, 30-year decision should not be rubber-stamped by an outgoing commission 43 days after the election. Let the commissioners the voters just chose take that vote."

We should not be fast-tracking the more expensive option. A new report from Lazard, the Wall Street firm whose cost numbers the whole industry uses, came out July 13: gas-plant construction quotes have roughly doubled in five years, and gas leaves us exposed to fluctuating fuel costs. Entergy's own application confirms it. $12.9 billion for seven plants works out to about $2,400 per kilowatt, double what these plants cost five years ago. They are buying at the very top of a panicked market, with no bid. The Lightning Amendment let this deal skip the competitive bidding that would have priced these billion dollar costs against alternatives. As Commissioner, I would force Entergy to find the most affordable fuel source.

A one-month deferral creates the leverage to fix that. Before any vote, the Commission should price the full stack of alternatives on the record, and make Meta's promise to pay its full cost binding, with enforcement teeth. New gas turbines are back-ordered industry-wide for years. Entergy says its equipment is secured; the Commission should make them prove it, on the record, with the reservation agreements and delivery schedule for all seven units, and price the alternatives that can start delivering in one to two years before signing anything.

If elected, I'll push to defer this vote until I take office, where we can force Entergy to choose the most affordable, reliable source of power, which happens to be clean energy, and which cuts our dependence on a fuel whose price swings with the world market. Your November vote is the referendum on whether this deal gets rubber-stamped or gets scrutinized.

The utilities are counting on nobody following this. Follow it with me.

I read the filings so you don't have to.

The utilities are counting on this being too boring to follow. That's the whole strategy. The biggest vote of all comes this December, and I'm pushing to defer it until the commissioners you elect are seated. I'll break down exactly what's in it, in plain English, and send it to this list first.

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Anyone can wag their finger and say "do better." The whole job is the power to write the rules, and I'm the one who can write a better one. That's the difference between someone who watches the grid and someone who can actually fix it.

Neither party has fixed this. I don't answer to either one. I answer to you.

Chris Justin Chris Justin's signature

Chris Justin, P.E. — Candidate, Louisiana Public Service Commission, District 1.